by Victoria Frois Borrero, a University of York Politics & International Relations PhD student
What are the implications of and challenges posed by the far-right in Europe and Latin America? This was the question discussed by Daphne Halikiopoulou from the University of York and Leslie Wehner from the University of Bath as part of a panel convened as the inaugural event of the Latin America and Caribbean – European Union (LAC-EU) Doctoral Network, supported by the IGDC. The workshop was held in York on 19 and 21 March 2025.
Professor Halikiopoulou offered compelling arguments on the theme of the Far-Right in Europe and Latin America”, challenging common assumptions about the nature of public support for far-right parties. Rather than seeing far-right voting as driven purely by cultural grievances or anti-immigration sentiment, Halikiopoulou argued for a more nuanced understanding of the coalitions that enable these parties to gain power.
Who votes for the far-right?
Drawing on research across 17 European countries, she highlighted that far-right success depends not just on a core group of nationalist or “culturalist” voters, but on broader coalitions of peripheral voters. These peripheral voters often feel economically insecure, politically alienated, or culturally threatened – but not necessarily by immigration.
Halikiopoulou outlined several distinct groups within this peripheral electorate:
- Materialists focused on economic hardship and inequality.
- Decliners experiencing intergenerational downward mobility.
- Welfare voters disillusioned with social protections and institutions.
- Distrustful citizens who feel alienated from the political system.
- Anti-Greens who see environmental policies as threatening their way of life.
Far-right parties build winning coalitions by mobilising this broader base alongside their nationalist core. Halikiopoulou’s main argument is that, while anti-immigration attitudes are undoubtedly central, they are often rooted in economic anxieties – concerns over job security, access to welfare, and social services – not merely cultural or xenophobic prejudice.
Civic nationalism and the appeal of the far-right
Equally important, however, is the “supply side” – how parties strategically package and promote their narratives. She noted that far-right actors have increasingly adopted a form of civic nationalism, presenting themselves not as extremists but as defenders of liberal values (e.g., gender equality, secularism) against perceived external threats. In this way far-right parties appeal to national identity in ways that sound civic and inclusive on the surface but are often exclusionary in practice. This strategy, she argued, allows them to broaden their appeal beyond traditional constituencies, even attracting some progressive voters.
While her research focuses primarily on Europe, Halikiopoulou concluded by posing a broader question: Is the far right a global phenomenon? As she increasingly turns her attention to Latin America, she’s exploring how far-right strategies and voter dynamics may (or may not) mirror those in Europe. This comparative lens promises exciting avenues for future research and underscores the importance of understanding the far right as a transnational force.
Populist foreign policy
The second half of the panel picked up on this theme. Leslie Wehner argued that, in today’s interconnected world, populist leaders are reshaping international relations in unprecedented ways. Drawing from his own research in International Relations, Wehner explored how populist leaders transform global politics through a distinctive approach that goes far beyond traditional diplomacy. From Duterte in the Philippines to Trump in the United States, these leaders share a common playbook.
Wehner explored the concept of populist foreign policy, emphasizing its leader-centric nature and the role of personality traits and ideologies. He argued that populist leaders consistently frame international interactions through a Manichean lens, creating sharp divisions between “us” and “them”. These populist leaders present themselves as the true representatives of “the people” against a perceived global elite. At the international level, Wehner noticed that populist leaders frequently challenge global organizations, portraying them as corrupt systems designed to undermine national sovereignty. Immigration, human rights, and globalization become key battlegrounds for their rhetoric. This approach transforms diplomatic engagement into a performative show of national strength.
What Wehner argues is that populist leaders use international forums strategically, seeking to legitimize their domestic political projects, build coalitions with like-minded leaders, and mobilize their base through dramatic international statements. Foreign policy decisions become extensions of the leader’s personality, often bypassing traditional diplomatic channels and reducing state institutional capacity. By questioning democratic norms, human rights standards, and multilateral cooperation, these leaders advance what could be seen as an alternative model of global governance and international cooperation.
In sum, Wehner’s argument is that populist foreign policy represents more than a temporary political trend. It’s a fundamental reimagining of international relations, where personal charisma, nationalist sentiment, and strategic performance converge to create a new diplomatic paradigm. Like Halikiopoulou, he underscored the necessity of understanding these phenomena in a broader, interconnected context, emphasizing that effective responses to the far right and populism require a deeper, more comprehensive understanding of their underlying social, economic, and political drivers.
Author: Victoria Frois Borrero
Victoria is currently pursuing a PhD in Politics and International Relations at the University of York, as a part of the LAC-EU doctoral network. Her research examines the role of civil society in relation to populism and democratic backsliding. She holds a degree in Social Sciences and a Master’s in Political Science from the Federal University of Minas Gerais, Brazil.